რა სარგებლობა მოაქვს ხალხის ძალას მმართველი პარტიისათვის?
ეს ბლოგი აჩვენებს თუ როგორ მოქმედებს მსგავსი პრინციპი საქართველოში და როგორ შეუძლია "ქართულ ოცნებას" მხარდაჭერის გაზრდა თავის ფსევდო მეტოქე ხალხის ძალასთან კამათით.
2022 წლის ზაფხულში ქართულ ოცნებას გამოეყო პარლამენტის სამი წევრი, რათა უფრო "თავისუფლად ელაპარაკათ". სინამდვილეში ეს ნიშნავდა დასავლეთის კრიტიკას, პირადად აშშ-ის ელჩის კრიტიკას და განცხადებებს, თითქოს დასავლეთი საქართველოს რუსეთ-უკრაინის ომში ითრევდა.
მოგვიანებით პარლამენტის სამ წევრს სხვებიც შეუერთდნენ და მოძრაობა ხალხის ძალა დააარსეს. თუმცა, მოძრაობის წევრი დეპუტატები საპარლამენტო უმრავლესობაში დარჩნენ. ამან კითხვა გააჩინა: ხალხის ძალა ნამდვილად უპირისპირდებოდა ქართულ ოცნებას თუ უბრალოდ, მისი სატელიტი პარტია იყო ანტიდასავლურად განწყობილი ამომრჩევლის მისამხრობად?
ხალხის ძალის განცხადებებზე მმართველი პარტიის ლიდერების ბუნდოვანმა რეაქციებმა ეს კითხვა კიდევ უფრო გააღრმავა. მაშინ, როცა პარტიის თავმჯდომარე ირაკლი კობახიძემ ხალხის ძალის ანტიდასავლური განცხადებები მეტწილად მოიწონა, პრემიერმა ღარიბაშვილმა მათ მოუწოდა, რადიკალური განცხადებებით არ დაეზიანებინათ ურთიერთობები აშშ-თან.
ასევე მრავლისმთქმელი იყო მხარდაჭერა, რომელიც ქართული ოცნების ლიდერებმა გამოუცხადეს ხალხის ძალის მიერ ინიციირებულ კანონპროექტს უცხოური გავლენის აგენტების შესახებ.
შეიძლება თუ არა, ქართულმა ოცნებამ თავისი რადიკალი განაყოფისგან რაიმე სარგებელი მიიღოს? ამის გასაგებად CRRC-საქართველომ 2022 წლის ნოემბერში საზოგადოებრივი აზრის გამოკითხვის ფარგლებში ექსპერიმენტი ჩაატარა. გამოკითხვისათვის შერჩეული 1 219 რესპონდენტი შემთხვევითი წესით ოთხ ჯგუფში გავანაწილეთ.
პირველ (საკონტროლო) ჯგუფში რესპონდენტებს ვაცნობეთ, რომ ხალხის ძალამ აშშ-ის ელჩი გააკრიტიკა და განაცხადა, რომ აშშ-ს საქართველოს რუსეთ-უკრაინის ომში ჩათრევა უნდოდა.
მეორე ჯგუფში რესპონდენტებს ხალხის ძალის განცხადება გავაცანით, თუმცა, დამატებით ირაკლი კობახიძის კომენტარის შესახებაც ვაცნობეთ, რომელმაც არ უარყო ხალხის ძალის განცხადებები.
მესამე ჯგუფში შემავალ რესპონდენტებს ხალხის ძალის განცხადება გავაცანით, თუმცა, დამატებით ვუთხარით ირაკლი ღარიბაშვილის კომენტარის შესახებაც, რომ მსგავსი განცხადებები აშშ-თან საქართველოს ურთიერთობებს ასუსტებდა.
მეოთხე ჯგუფში რესპონდენტებმა ხალხის ძალის განცხადებასთან ერთად კობახიძის მხარდამჭერი კომენტარიც მოისმინეს და ღარიბაშვილის კრიტიკული შენიშვნაც.
დასასრულს, ოთხივე ჯგუფში რესპონდენტებს ვკითხეთ, ხვალ რომ არჩევნები
ჩატარებულიყო, ქართულ ოცნებას მისცემდნენ ხმას, ხალხის ძალას თუ რომელიმე სხვა პარტიას.
მონაცემთა ანალიზი გვაჩვენებს, რომ ქართული ოცნებისათვის ყველაზე მომგებიანი გამოდგა განცხადება, რომელმაც ის თავისი ფსევდო ოპონენტისაგან ყველაზე მეტად განასხვავა. კერძოდ, პრემიერ ღარიბაშვილის კრიტიკულმა შენიშვნამ, რომელიც ხალხის ძალის ანტიამერიკულ განცხადებას არ დაეთანხმა, მმართველი პარტიის მხარდაჭერა 8 პროცენტული პუნქტით გაზარდა: მხოლოდ ხალხის ძალის ანტიამერიკული განცხადების მოსმენის შემდეგ ოცნებას მხარს ამომრჩევლების 19 პროცენტი დაუჭერდა, მაგრამ როცა რესპონდენტებმა ოცნების ლიდერისაგან ამ განცხადების კრიტიკაც მოისმინეს, მხარდაჭერა 27 პროცენტამდე გაიზარდა.
ფოტო: CRRC Georgia
აღსანიშნავია,რომ სტატისტიკურად მნიშვნელოვანი გავლენა მხოლოდ ღარიბაშვილის მიერ ხალხის ძალის განცხადების კრიტიკას ჰქონდა. კობახიძის კომენტარს ოცნების მხარდაჭერაზე გავლენა არ ჰქონია, ისევე, როგორც კობახიძის მხარდამჭერი და ღარიბაშვილის კრიტიკული კომენტარების ერთად მოსმენას.
ეს მიგნებები სხვა კვლევების შედეგებთანაც თანხვედრაშია; მათი მიხედვით, როგორც დემოკრატიულ, ისე ნაკლებად დემოკრატიულ ქვეყნებში რადიკალურ პარტიებს ხშირად უფრო მეტი სარგებელი მმართველი პარტიისთვის მოაქვთ, ვიდრე საკუთარი პარტიისთვის.
ჩვენი კვლევის თანახმად, ხალხის ძალას ამომრჩევლის მხოლოდ 3 პროცენტი დაუჭერდა მხარს. ხოლო მმართველი პარტიის მხარდაჭერა მთელი 8 პროცენტული პუნქტით გაიზარდა, როცა მათმა ლიდერმა სტრატეგიული პარტნიორის მიმართ ნაკლებად რადიკალური პოზიცია დაიჭირა.
აღსანიშნავია, რომ ამ ექსპერიმენტში გამოვიყენეთ განცხადებები ქვეყნის დასავლური ორიენტაციის შესახებ, რაც მეტწილად ეროვნული კონსენსუსის საგანია: მოსახლეობის დიდი უმრავლესობა მხარს უჭერს საქართველოს ნატოსა და ევროკავშირში გაწევრიანებას. გასარკვევია, გაზრდის თუ არა მმართველი პარტიის მხარდაჭერას ხალხის ძალასთან ისეთ საკითხზე დისკუსია, რომელზეც საზოგადოებაში ნაკლები თანხმობაა.
ამის პირველი მნიშვნელოვანი ტესტი შესაძლოა, ყოფილიყო ხალხის ძალის საკანონმდებლო ინიციატივა უცხოური გავლენის აგენტების შესახებ, თუმცა მმართველმა პარტიამ თავიდანვე ამ ინიციატივის მხარდაჭერა აირჩია. მომავალში გამოჩნდება მოინდომებს თუ არა ქართული ოცნება თავის რადიკალ განაყოფთან შედარებით პოზიციის უფრო ზომიერად წარმოჩენას.
შენიშვნა: სტატიაში წარმოდგენილი შეხედულებები ეკუთვნის ავტორს და არ წარმოადგენს On.ge-ის პოზიციას. მასალა ქვეყნდება OC Media-სთან პარტნიორობის ფარგლებში, რომლის შედეგად, გამოცემის სტატიები ამიერიდან ოთხ ენაზე გავრცელდება. საქართველოში OC Media-ს პარტნიორი On.ge-ა. სტატია ინგლისურად შეგიძლიათ წაიკითხოთ აქ. ეს სტატია დაწერა CRRC საქართველოს პრეზიდენტმა კობა თურმანიძემ. სტატიაში წარმოდგენილი შეხედულებები არის მხოლოდ ავტორის შეხედულებები და არ წარმოადგენს CRRC საქართველოს ან მასთან დაკავშირებული რომელიმე სუბიექტის შეხედულებებს.
Citizenship in action in the South Caucasus
The population of Georgia on the ideal number of children per family
In this blog post, we shall have a look at whether Georgians’ views about the ideal number of children per family meet the reality, and how these views differ according to people’s sex, age and settlement type, using data from CRRC’s Caucasus Barometer survey in 2013.Ethnic minorities, Georgians, and foreign policy orientation
The political climate in Georgia, 2012-2014: Increased nihilism or room for new political actors?
Georgian youth: EU aspirations, but lacking tolerance
Getting to the streets: Who is more inclined to protest in Georgia?
Georgian Foreign Policy: Continuity or Change?
The results of the October parliamentary elections in Georgia have raised questions regarding the future trajectory of Georgian foreign policy. One of the priorities of Georgian foreign policy has been European and Euro-Atlantic integration. Will the new Georgian government initiate major changes and redirect Georgia’s foreign policy that has been supported by the National United Movement? Will Ge...Youth and Politics in Georgia
Since 2011, CRRC has been involved in the Memory, Youth, Political Legacy, and Civic Engagement (MYPLACE), a four-year project funded by the European Commission. The project aims at exploring young people’s social participation in Georgia influenced by historical contexts of totalitarianism and populism in Europe. Among others, the objectives of the MYPLACE project include (1) conceptualization of...How the EU sees Georgia: The Georgian population's perceptions
Over time, the Georgian population thinks that citizens of the EU as well as the EU governments are less inclined towards integrating Georgia into the Union. More clarity and realism concerning Georgia’s potential for EU membership certainly could help to avoid a slow backslide towards less EU support for strong relations between Georgia and the EU in the years to come. The public should be aware that EU membership is a long-term prospect at best rather than an immediate future.Public support for Democracy is on the decline in Georgia
Following the first ever peaceful transition of power in Georgia’s 2012 parliamentary elections, the country improved its position in the Freedom House and Polity IV democracy rankings. Results from the latest polls, however, show that public support for democracy in Georgia has declined over the past few years.The Fury Before the Storm
The blog analyzes if the special precinct really mattered for the Sagarejo by-elections or wether it was the ethnic voting patterns, which explain the differences.
Attitudes Towards Public Opinion Polls in Georgia (Part 2)
Increasing knowledge of and trust in polls are clear challenges for pollsters in Georgia. Even though public opinion polls are regularly criticized, there is still a public demand for them. A majority of Georgians believe that they don't have a proper understanding of how public opinion polls are conducted, but they agree that polls help everyone to better understand the society they live in.Positive Public Attitudes in Georgia
Can’t get no satisfaction. Who doesn’t want to join the EU?
The Georgian public’s awareness of visa liberalisation with the EU: Facts and expectations
How to buy votes when you can’t buy votes
Before and After the Elections: Shifting Public Opinion in Georgia
Alternating Pasts, Changing Futures
Note: This blog is re-posted from the MYPLACE project's blog. The original MYPLACE blog can be found here.Electoral Notes- Municipal Elections, 2014
Trust in local government in Georgia
Expectations and the EU Association Agreement
Friends and Enemies in the South Caucasus
Trends in the Data: Public support for democracy is slowly waning in Georgia (Part 2)
This blog post describes a number of tendencies that might be related to the declining public support for democracy in Georgia, using the CRRC’s Caucasus Barometer (CB) survey data.A look at (in)Justice in Georgia as charges are brought against ex-President Saakashvili
One step forward, two steps back? European integration in Georgia after the Association Agreement
A Tangled Path to Europe: A review of Bittersweet Europe
Russia as a threat: the Ukraine crisis and changing public opinion in Georgia
Georgians Have High Hopes but Little Information about the Association Agreement with the EU
Perceptions of Court System Fairness in the South Caucasus
Ann Bennett Lockwood, an American attorney, politician and author once said that, “If nations could only depend upon fair and impartial judgments in a world court of law, they would abandon the senseless, savage practice of war”. For many, the credibility of a government is judged by the fairness of itsjudicial system. For instance, Michel Rosenfeld (2001) argued that a fair justice system creates respect and faith in government by saying that, “If a citizen implicitly or explicitly endorses a law or legal regime, the latter can be considered subjectively fair.”Do Armenians Still View Integration with the EU as Part of a Positive-Sum Game?
On September 3rd 2013 Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan surprised many observers, including some in his own government, when he announced that Armenia would sign an agreement with Russia to join the Eurasian Customs Union (ECU) and spurn a long-negotiated Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union. The move has been dubbed a “U-Turn” as well as a “sudden shift in policy,” although it was predated by landmark Armenian-Russian agreements in 1997 and 2006.Does public opinion accurately gauge government performance in the South Caucasus?
Nine things politicians should know about Georgian voters
2015 EU survey report: Major trends and recommendations
Awareness of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement in Georgia, one year on
Public opinion on Georgia’s EU membership prospects in 2015
What We Know About Volunteering in Georgia
[This post originally appeared in investor.ge]By Nino Zubashvili
No, Putin is not winning Georgia away from Europe. Here are the facts.
By Dustin Gilbreath
Democracy in Georgia
EU Survey Report Released: Knowledge and Attitudes towards the European Union in Georgia
Fatalism and Political Perceptions in Georgia
Georgia and the EU’s Economic Woes
Sex, Lies and EU Red Tape
Spreading the News: File Sharing through Mobile Phones in Armenia
E-transparency in Georgia: A key to faith in democracy?
Presentation Summary | Georgian-Abkhaz ‘Dialogue through Research’
Seminar Report: Perceptions about Georgia: Leading or Loosing the Struggle for Democracy
Foreign Policy Perceptions in Turkey | new TESEV report
Caucasus Barometer: Unpacking Public Trust in the President
MyPlace Website is up!
Georgia's EU aspirations
Does Refusal to Recognize Elections in Abkhazia Reduce Prospects for Resolution?
Obstacles for Civil Society Development in the South Caucasus
Counting Crowds & Crowds Counting | Jacobs' Method
During the last 25 years Georgian capital has experienced a diverse history of political meetings in its central areas including peaceful demonstrations, rallies with radical political demands, “tent towns” and so forth. The higher the attendance, the more legitimate the protests are often seen to be. As a result, the figures themselves usually are contested, sometimes in significant controversy.Public Opinion about Women in Parliament in Georgia
Since Georgia’s independence in 1991, the participation of women in Georgian politics has been very low. The number of women in government has diminished since 2004 and currently women comprise only 6% of the Georgian parliament. The reasons behind such statistics can vary from cultural to institutional factors.Ethnic versus European Identity: The Case of Georgia
As Georgia seeks a course of European integration and eventual membership in the European Union (EU), it is important to examine the Georgian population’s understanding of its own identity. CRRC data from a 2011 survey entitled Knowledge and Attitudes toward the EU in Georgia shows that a majority of Georgians (88%) think Georgia should be in the EU.Post-Soviet States’ Democratic Decline: Results from Freedom House Report
The Public's View of Constitutional Reform in Georgia
Georgian get-togethers: Private Problems versus Politics
In September 2011, CRRC on behalf of Eurasia Partnership Foundation and EWMI G-PAC conducted a nationally representative survey on Volunteerism and Civic Participation in Georgia. Georgians were asked how often they get together and discuss private problems and politics with their friends and relatives (who do not live in their houses).The "Attitudes Towards European Integration" Survey
Georgia's government openly seeks greater cooperation and, eventually, convergence with the EU. The CRRC and the EPF have recently released the results of their "Attitudes Towards European Integration" survey, along with its summary report. The results show that Georgia's population seemingly strongly supports its government's drive toward Europe.Ambassador Dieter Boden Speaks at Europe House
Alpha Version of CRRC Data Initiative now online!!!
USAID Political Party Assessment of Europe and Eurasia
Georgian Party Archive: extraordinary Soviet History
Exit Polls | Take Two
Parliamentary Elections in Georgia | ODIHR Observation
Georgia post-Election Phone Survey | Quick Review
Georgia: Women's Participation in Politics
Georgia Post-Conflict Phone Survey | may be a first glance?
Pre-Election Polls | what would be needed
With the election in Georgia approaching fast, polls are beginning to appear every week. Unfortunately, many of these polls are taken at face value. The reality is that at this point there is not a single pre-election poll that has demonstrated credibility. This does not ...Comparing Civic Participation: Caucasus Data 2007
World Press Freedom | Caucasus does badly!
Public Opinion on the Parliament in Georgia
World Public Opinion: Azerbaijan in Focus
Weak State Institutions | Weak Social Capital?
Exploring Azerbaijani Views on Alternative Energy
Freedom House Report | Democracy in the Caucasus
Caucasus Election Programs in the 1990s
Exit Polls | a good idea?
With upcoming elections in Georgia, the attention is back on a theme that otherwise often gets neglected: what does the Georgian electorate want?Georgia's Performance? | Millenium Challenge Corporation's Meta-Index
With all the attention on Georgia, it may be interesting to revisit Georgia's most recent performance as seen by international organizations. As it happens, the Millennium Challenge Corporation offers a such an assessment through its annual scorecard, just released last week. This scorecard is a meta-index, drawing on data from the World Bank Institute, Freedom House, IFC, WHO, UNESCO and a few other organizations.Political Events in Georgia | Source of Dissatisfaction?
We normally leave political analysis to the many other qualified commentators. However, given current events, it is interesting to see that our Data Initiative shows that ever since 2004 there was a powerful trend of disenchantment in Georgia. Below, see the responses we received when asking "Do you think that things in our country are moving in the right direction?" Blue is positive, yellow negative. The data is for Tbilisi.Georgian parliamentary elections 2016 - Gender and ethnic minority representation on party lists
The results of the 2016 Parliamentary elections in Georgia reveal some interesting patterns about the representation of women and ethnic minorities in Georgian politics.Back to the USSR? How poverty makes people nostalgic for the Soviet Union
A recent CRRC/NDI survey asked whether the dissolution of the Soviet Union was a good or bad thing for Georgia. People’s responses were split almost evenly: 48% reported that the dissolution was a good thing, whereas 42% said it was a bad thing for the country. Such a close split raised questions in the media about why people took one view or another.Who makes political decisions in Georgia: What people think
Bidzina Ivanishvili resigned from the post of prime minister of Georgia on November 20th 2013, and in his own words, “left politics“. Speculation about his continued informal participation in the political decision-making process began even before he resigned and still continues. Some politicians think that Ivanishvili gives orders to the Georgian Dream party from behind-the-scenes, while others believe that he actually distanced himself from politics. Politicians, journalists and experts continue to discuss the situation. Meanwhile, a majority of Georgia’s population thinks that Bidzina Ivanishvili is still involved in the governing process and that his informal participation is unacceptable.Prioritizing the personal: People talk more about personal issues than political events
In general people are primarily interested in their own lives, rather than in social or political events. In other words, social and political events will, most probably, be overshadowed by events in one’s personal life. CRRC’s 2015 Caucasus Barometer (CB) survey data provides more detailed insights on this. In this blog post, we compare answers to two CB questions: “When you get together with your close relatives and friends, how often do you discuss each other’s private problems?” and “When you get together with your friends and close relatives, how often do you discuss politics / current affairs?” in Armenia and Georgia.Visa liberalization: How much do people in Georgia know about the conditions of visa-free travel to the EU?
CRRC’s previous blog posts have shown that the population of Georgia had rather moderate expectations of the recent visa liberalization with the Schengen zone countries, especially when it comes to the question of how much ordinary people will benefit from it. Europe Foundation’s latest survey on Knowledge of and Attitudes towards the European Union in Georgia, conducted in May 2017, provides a more nuanced understanding on how people in Georgia feel about this process and to what extent they are familiar with the conditions of visa liberalization.Georgian public increasingly unaware of what the European Union Monitoring Mission does
As much as 81% of the population of Georgia doesn’t know what the European Union Monitoring Mission (EUMM) does, according to the 2017 Knowledge of and Attitudes towards the European Union in Georgia survey funded by Europe Foundation and implemented by CRRC-Georgia. This lack of knowledge has increased over time, as has the prevalence of incorrect information about the EUMM’s mission. This represents a missed opportunity for the EU’s communications in Georgia.Taking partly free voters seriously: autocratic response to voter preferences in Armenia and Georgia
Do voters in less than democratic contexts matter or are elections simply facades used to create a veneer of democratic accountability for domestic and international actors? Within the Autocratic Response to Voter Preferences in Armenia and Georgia project, funded by Academic Swiss Caucasus Net, CRRC-Georgia and CRRC-Armenia aimed to help answer this question, at least for Georgia and Armenia. On October 27, Caucasus Survey published the results of the project in a special issue, available here.Who should own land in Georgia? How attitudes changed between 2015 and 2017
Georgian parliament recently adopted constitutional amendments. Among the many changes were those regulating the sale of agricultural land. According to the amendments, “Agricultural land, as a resource of special importance, can only be owned by the state, a self-governing entity, a citizen of Georgia, or a union of Georgian citizens.” While the constitution allows for exceptions, which should be regulated by a law yet to be written, it is expected that foreigners will not be allowed to buy agricultural land in Georgia as freely as Georgian citizens. This blog post looks at public opinion about foreigners owning land in Georgia.Was the population informed about the constitutional reform in Georgia?
After 10 months of discussions, the parliament of Georgia adopted amendments to the constitution of the country on September 29th and overrode the president’s veto on October 13th, 2017. The most widely discussed amendments are about rules for electing the president, self-governance principles, the definition of marriage, the sale of agricultural land to foreigners, the minimum age of judges and the country’s foreign policy orientation. Because of the importance of the amendments, one would expect a high level of awareness among the population. However, despite the public meetings held and media coverage of the issue, according to the CRRC/NDI survey from June 2017, a majority of the population of Georgia was not aware of the constitutional reform process.Gender (in)equality on TV
Stereotypes are an inseparable part of every society, and present in many parts of everyday life. Georgian society is no exception in this regard. For example, some professions like teaching are stereotypically thought of as “women’s professions” while others like being a soldier are considered “men’s professions”. The media is considered one of the strongest means through which stereotypes are strengthened or broken. In Georgia, TV is the most important media, given that according to CRRC/NDI data, 73% of the population of the country name television as their primary source of the information. In order to understand the dynamics around gender-based stereotypes on TV, CRRC-Georgia monitored the main evening news releases and political talk shows broadcast during prime time (from 18:00 to 00:00) on five national and three regional channels from September 11 to November 12, 2017 (Channel One of the Public Broadcaster, Adjara, Rustavi 2, Imedi, Maestro, Trialeti, Gurjaani, Odishi) with the support of the UN Joint Program for Gender Equality with support from UNDP Georgia and the Swedish government.Visa liberalization: Which groups in Georgia are expected to benefit most from it?
The introduction of visa free travel to the Schengen zone countries for Georgian citizens was one of the most prominent news stories in Georgia in 2017. It was also highly publicized and presented by the country’s government as a significant achievement on the way to European integration. Do people in Georgia agree with this assessment? And which groups of the population does the public think will actually benefit from the opportunity? CRRC’s 2017 Caucasus Barometer (CB) survey results shed some light on these questions.Who in Georgia wants to study abroad?
Studying abroad can offer students the opportunity to learn new languages, travel, experience different cultures, and form relationships in addition to studying. The Knowledge of and Attitudes towards the European Union survey (EU Survey) implemented by CRRC-Georgia for Europe Foundation provides information about what share of the population in Georgia would like to go abroad to study, and the demographic characteristics of those who would like to.As many Georgians think the West spreads propaganda as Russia
On 13 February, the United States released its Worldwide Threat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community. In it, the significance of Russian influence operations in Georgia were highlighted. Just eight days earlier, on 5 February, a coalition of Georgia’s leading non-governmental organisations made an official offer to support the Government of Georgia, the EU, and NATO in their efforts to counter anti-Western propaganda.Partisanship and Trust in TV in Georgia
One of the outcomes of the stark polarization of news media sources globally is that people tend to align to the media outlets which resonate most with their ideological beliefs. In most cases, consumption of a particular ideological media source can only reinforce one’s beliefs, which might lead to an even further polarization of the audience. These patterns can be characteristic of mass media in contexts as different as, for instance, the United States and Lebanon. As the data from the December 2017 wave of CRRC/NDI survey shows, people in Georgia also appear to be selective in trusting media that aligns with their political beliefs as well.Changes in public opinion between 2011 and 2017
A lot changed in Georgia between 2011 and 2017, including the government. New promises and new regulations have been made and new priorities set by politicians. A visa free regime with the Schengen zone countries came into force. An ultranationalist ‘Georgian March’ was organized. A Georgian priest was charged with conspiracy to murder the Secretary of the Patriarch of the Georgian Orthodox Church, the most trusted institution in Georgia. This list is by no means exhaustive, but it does raise questions about whether and how public opinion has changed against the backdrop of these and other events.The EU, USA or Russia: Who is believed to be able to support Georgia best?
In recent years, Georgia has benefited from EU and US assistance, with around €400 million indicatively allocated for the EU’s projects in Georgia in 2017-2020, and the US government increasing assistance to Georgia in the 2018 Spending Bill. In contrast, Georgia’s relationships with Russia are tense, with diplomatic relations terminated in 2008.Budget priorities are similar to people's spending priorities
Georgia’s state budget amounted to GEL 12.5 billion in 2018. The Ministry of Labor, Health and Social Affairs; Ministry of Regional Development and Infrastructure; and Ministry of Education and Science had the largest appropriations at 28.2% (GEL 3.528 billion), 14.5% (GEL 1.815 billion), and 9.5% (GEL 1.186 billion) of the budget, respectively. In the 2018 June CRRC/NDI survey, respondents were asked, “What are your top three priorities for spending, understanding it means cutting elsewhere?” Respondents were provided with a show card and allowed to name up to three answers. This blog post looks at whether responses match up with actual spending, and how priorities vary among different demographic groups.NGOs in Georgia: Low trust, high expectations? (Part 1)
Over the last decade, people in Georgia have reported rather low levels of trust toward NGOs. At the same time, when asked during surveys to assess specific aspects of NGO activities, the answers have usually been positive. This blog post is based on the findings of a survey on attitudes toward NGOs collected by CRRC-Georgia in fall, 2017 for the Georgian Civil Society Sustainability Initiative (CSSIGE). The first part of this blog post looks at the most up-to-date data on knowledge of NGOs in Georgia and reported levels of trust toward them. The second part explores the inconsistency between low trust toward NGOs in Georgia, on the one hand, and quite positive assessments of their activities, on the other hand.NGOs in Georgia: Low trust, high expectations? (Part 2)
As discussed in the first part of this blog post, the results of CRRC-Georgia’s survey conducted for the Georgian Civil Society Sustainability Initiative (CSSIGE) project in fall 2017 confirmed that both knowledge about NGOs and trust toward them is quite low in Georgia. This blog post looks at the inconsistency between low trust toward NGOs, on the one hand, and quite positive assessments of their activities, on the other hand.Selection of Supreme Court judges: The public’s knowledge and attitudes about the process
On December 24th, 2018, High Council of Justice (HCoJ) of Georgia nominated ten candidates to the country’s Supreme Court. The nomination caused controversy among the representatives of civil society organizations as the nominated judges were either leaders or close associates of a group of judges (so called “clan”) exercising an informal power over Georgia’s judiciary. The HCoJ was enabled to make the nominations due to recent constitutional changes that shifted the right of nomination from the President to the HCoJ...Are there predictors of not knowing and refusing to answer on surveys in Georgia?
Are there variables that predict who is likely to report “Don’t know” or to refuse to answer survey questions more often in Georgia? This blog post looks at this question, using un-weighted Caucasus Barometer 2017 (CB) data for Georgia.The election environment in minority areas of Georgia is getting worse
Post-election polling by CRRC-Georgia suggests that not only are elections most problematic in Georgia’s ethnic minority regions, they are also getting worse.The 2018 presidential elections, and particularly, the events surrounding the second round, have come to be considered a setback for Georgia’s democratic trajectory. Between the first and second round, it was announced that 600,000 voters would have debt relief immediately following the elections, leading some to suggest this was a form of vote buying. A number of instances of electoral fraud were also alleged. The use of party coordinators around election precincts was also widely condemned.
Georgians are split over the Prosecutor’s Office in Georgia
On November 3, 2018 Rustavi 2 broadcasted an investigative film created by the Studio Monitor and Radio Liberty about a suspended investigation of the Prosecutor’s Office of Georgia. The film How to subjugate a judge? focused on accusations against prosecutors and judges related to the abuse of power, seizure of real estate, and giving of land to private individuals.Who doesn’t want democracy for Georgia?
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Georgia adopted western-style democratic institutions. They have never functioned in a fully democratic manner, fluctuating between more liberal and authoritarian tendencies. That is, Georgia is and has been a hybrid regime.But what do people want?
Pessimism about Georgia’s direction hides room for optimism
While a large number of Georgians think the country is going in the wrong direction, the fact that they are judging the country’s performance based on issues rather than political partisanship alone is a good sign.It’s the economy stupid: An experiment on Georgian support for the European Union
Georgians are enthusiastic in supporting the country’s accession to the European Union. Since 2012, when the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and CRRC-Georgia started tracking attitudes, three quarters of Georgians approved of the government’s goal of joining the EU, on average. What motivates Georgians to support the Union, or alternatively, to abandon support? A survey experiment included in the latest CRRC/NDI poll suggests potential economic burdens have a modest yet significant effect on support for membership. Results do not support the common belief that a potential military threat from Russia dampens Georgians’ support for the EU.
The direction Georgia’s headed in
The most recent NDI polling showed a decline in the direction the country was heading. Though not the direct cause by any means, the growing sense that Georgia is going in the wrong direction was likely an enabling factor for the protests that erupted in June and have continued through July in Tbilisi. The CRRC-NDI survey has tracked the direction people think the country is headed over the last decade. While numerous factors affect people’s perceptions of where the country is going, a number of events including elections and the devaluation of the Georgian Lari against the US Dollar appear to show up in CRRC-Georgia and the National Democratic Institute’s data. This blog provides an overview of how views of the direction the country is headed in have changed over time.Attitudes toward politicians are related to evaluations of institutional performance
How citizens evaluate the performance of the state is often a reasonable proxy for its performance. In Georgia, evaluations of public institutions are mixed. While a number of social and demographic variables are associated with people’s perceptions of state performance, so too are people’s attitudes towards political parties and politicians. This shows once again how politics is personalized in Georgia.What divides and what unites Georgian society?
The last year has seen a number of conversations about polarization in Georgia. The President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, even commented on the issue in his Batumi speech. One of the components of polarization, though not the sole factor, is division in society over actors, issues, and institutions.While many things could divide the public, what do the people think and which groups report more and fewer sources of division? The April 2019 NDI-CRRC poll suggests that there are fewer perceived reasons for division in rural areas and among ethnic minorities.
Government employees assess the work of the government better than the general public
The outlook in Georgia continues to be increasingly pessimistic, with more people reporting that the country is heading in the wrong direction. Similarly, performance assessments of government institutions have been on the decline in recent years. As recent CRRC analyses have highlighted, party identification, attitudes towards individual politicians, ethnicity, and Georgian language proficiency among ethnic minorities are associated with attitudes towards government. Analysis of the July 2019 CRRC and NDI survey suggests that working for the state is also associated with performance assessments. However, government employees in poor households and those in Tbilisi rate government performance significantly worse.Knowledge of visa-free requirements falls since launch of scheme
Georgian citizens have been able to travel visa free within the Schengen zone for approaching three years, the result of several years of complex dialogue and policy reform. Despite the elapsed time, and a major EU-funded public information campaign, the results of the 2019 Survey on Knowledge of and Attitudes towards the European Union in Georgia (EU Survey) suggest that public knowledge of requirements for visa free travel have fallen since the scheme launched. Similarly, the same period has seen a large rise in the number of Georgian citizens being denied entry to EU countries, with Eurostat reporting over four thousand such cases in 2018 alone, up over a third since 2017.Optimism Regarding EU membership is decreasing
Georgia is not a candidate for membership in the European Union (EU), but the government has the stated goal of joining the EU when the country is ready for it. According to the Knowledge of and Attitudes towards the EU in Georgia survey (EU Survey) CRRC-Georgia conducted in spring 2019 for Europe Foundation, 71% of the population of Georgia would vote for EU membership if a referendum were held tomorrow. Only 10% would vote against it and 7% would not vote at all. While support for joining the EU is clearly high, people are increasingly pessimistic about how long it will take Georgia to join.Georgia’s Foreign Policy Trilemma: Balance, Bandwagon, or Hedge? Part 1
Georgia is a small, partly free democracy in a tough neighbourhood, and NATO membership remains an unfulfilled promise. While Russia is widely perceived as the main threat to Georgia’s security, the appropriate strategic or political response to the threat is not obvious. What options does Georgia have when faced with a powerful rival on its border, and what public support is there for these options?Georgia’s Foreign Policy Trilemma: Balance, Bandwagon, or Hedge? Part 2
The first part of this blog post discussed evidence of an association between perceiving Russia as the main threat to Georgia and a preference for a foreign policy that balances against that threat through alliances with the West. The relationship between threat perception and hedging, defined as attempting to maintain good relations with both Russia and the West, is less clear.The economic and educational consequences of child marriage in Georgia
Widely condemned as a violation of human rights, child marriage is associated with negative health outcomes — both physical and psychological. Aside from these clear issues, a growing body of research suggests child marriage also has economic consequences for both the women who marry under the age of 18 and society at large.In a sea of pessimism, who is optimistic about Georgia?
The CRRC and NDI survey released two weeks ago showed a pessimistic picture – half the public thinks Georgia is going in the wrong direction, 24% that nothing is changing, and only 19% think it is going in the right direction. A majority (59%) think the country is not a democracy for the first time since the question was asked on the survey in 2010. Moreover, performance assessments of government, parliament, the courts, and most ministries declined.What kind of electoral system do Georgians actually want?
On 8 March, Georgia’s political leaders agreed on a new electoral system under which 120 seats will be allocated via proportional elections and 30 seats will be allocated via direct election of candidates.The long-fought-over electoral reform was a compromise which represents two steps forward after three steps had been taken back.
As COVID-19 sends political campaigning to Facebook, will polarisation increase?
With Georgia in an election year and traditional face-to-face campaigning out of the question given the COVID-19 outbreak, the importance of Facebook in Georgian politics is only likely to grow.Facebook is an important part of Georgian politics. Political campaigns are fought, and public opinion thought to often be formed on the platform...
The most important issues facing Georgia, prior to the COVID-19 outbreak
There is a gap between support for democracy and liberal values in Georgia
Public opinion polls suggest support for democracy is on the decline in Georgia, but does support for democracy correlate to support for liberal values?
An increasing number of Georgians view their country as ‘a democracy with major problems’, with CRRC’s Caucasus Barometer survey showing the share of people reporting this belief to have increased from 27% in 2011 to 48% in 2019.
In parallel to this growing scepticism towards the country’s democratic situation, surveys show a decline in the proportion of the population believing that democracy is preferable to any other kind of government, falling from 65% in 2011 to 49% in 2019.
Support for democracy increased in Georgia during COVID-19, but what does that mean?
The COVID-19 outbreak generated discussion about whether support for democracy would decline during and after the crisis. While reported support increased, this did not necessarily match support for democratic means of governance.
Data from the CRRC’s COVID-19 monitor shows that more people in Georgia reported support for democracy compared to the pre-crisis period. However, as before the crisis, support for democracy does not seem to be grounded in the values commonly associated with democratic governance.
Is Georgia really polarised?
Talk about political polarisation in Georgia is easy to find. Some have suggested that the recent United National Movement (UNM) announcement that Saakashvili will be their prime ministerial candidate will only make matters worse.
A new data analysis CRRC Georgia released on Tuesday suggests that this may in fact be the case. Data from several years of CRRC Georgia and NDI polling indicates that there are few ideological or policy issues that the supporters of Georgian Dream (GD) and the United National Movement (UNM) disagree about. Rather, attitudes towards politicians and political events are what divides, a fact the public intuitively recognises.
Georgian voters: personalities, policies, or a bit of both?
While personality in politics matters greatly for the Georgian public, data from this year shows that for Georgian Dream and United National Movement voters, policy is still important.
A recent CRRC Georgia policy brief argued that what was really dividing Georgians politically was personalities rather than policies. Data from the August 2020 CRRC and NDI survey provides further evidence for this idea.
However, the data also shows a difference between Georgian Dream (GD) and United National Movement (UNM) voters in terms of policy preferences and that economic policy is the most important issue for a plurality of voters.
Political campaigning in Georgia: informing or mobilising?
Political campaigning takes a wide range of forms, from digital advertising to door knocking. Generally, campaigning is believed to both mobilise voters to actually go out to vote as well as win over voters, but which is most relevant in Georgia?
Data from the August CRRC Georgia and NDI public opinion poll indicate that people who wanted to be contacted by campaigners also appeared more partisan than others. This may suggest that campaigning in Georgia will be more effective at turning out partisans than persuading the undecided.
Who thinks Georgia handled the pandemic successfully?
Prior to the most recent episode in Georgia's political crises, COVID-19 was the country's main concern. Yet, data on how the public views the country's handling of the crisis shows a stark partisan divide.
It has been a year since the first case of coronavirus was detected in Georgia. Since then, over 260,000 cases have been confirmed, over 3,300 fatalities, and the economy has suffered the largest decline since 1994. In light of this, how does the Georgian public assess the country’s handling of the pandemic?
Data from the 2020 Caucasus Barometer survey offers a snapshot of how well people think the country did in dealing with the outbreak.
UNM supporters are especially pessimistic about their economic future
With the pandemic still raging and accompanying economic restrictions still in force, Georgians are unsurprisingly pessimistic about their economic future. This holds true especially for supporters of the opposition United National Movement Party, above all other party supporters.
COVID-19 restrictions have impacted people’s economic activity heavily. This is reflected in key economic indicators such as GDP, which declined by 5.9% year on year between January and November 2020.
It is also reflected in employment, with fewer people reporting starting new jobs and more people reporting having lost one, according to the 2020 Caucasus Barometer.
Грузини хочуть, щоби їхній уряд підтримав Україну
Війна Росії з Україною шокувала світ. Вона також шокувала Грузію, а нове опитування від CRRC Georgia викриває ступінь наявних політичних наслідків.
Наслідки війни, що стосуються зовнішньої та внутрішньої політики Грузії, виявилися доволі масштабними. Офіційна позиція Грузії щодо війни була суперечливою: в той час як прем’єр-міністр Іраклі Гарібашвілі категорично заявив, що Грузія не приєднається до санкцій, накладених Заходом проти Росії, президент Грузії Саломе Зурабішвілі почала медійний та дипломатичний бліц у Європі, висловлюючи рішучу підтримку Україні.
How do Georgians feel about the influx of Russians?
Recent CRRC data shows that a large majority of the Georgian public is concerned about the migration of Russians to Georgia.Since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, at least 1.2 million Russian citizens have entered Georgia, equivalent to roughly 30% of Georgia’s population. While the number of Russian citizens who have decided to stay in Georgia remains unclear, the impact of this mass migration is strongly felt in rising rents and concerns over the country’s security.
Is the Georgian government doing enough to secure EU membership?
CRRC Georgia data suggests that while the majority of Georgians want to join the EU, they are largely split along partisan lines on whether their government is doing enough to secure the country’s candidate status.Is People’s Power designed to make Georgian Dream look good?
A CRRC Georgia study found that positioning Georgian Dream as more moderate than its spin-off group, People’s Power, increased support for the ruling party.A popular study suggests that when a person goes for a date, they will be more liked if they take a similar, but slightly less attractive companion with them. Likewise, political parties often look better for their voters when they position themselves against a similar, but less appealing opponent.